Vehicle Stops

Lakewood, CA 2025

This section examines vehicle stops, which are stops for which the recorded reason was “traffic violation.”

Note: The racial categorization scheme mandated by California’s Racial and Identity Profiling Act (RIPA) requires law enforcement agencies to record stops of “Middle Eastern or South Asian” people separately from stops of “Asians” (that is, East Asians), and does not distinguish Middle Eastern from South Asian people. Because South Asians cannot be distinguished from non-Asian Middle Easterners in this dataset, stops of “Middle Eastern or South Asian” people are not counted as stops of “Asians” in the analyses on this page.

Under RIPA, all California law enforcement agencies are required to report data on all stops to the California Attorney General. In June 2022, the Los Angeles County Office of the Inspector General issued a report detailing a significant underreporting of stops by LASD in its RIPA reporting in 2018 and 2019. CPE ran all the analyses presented here excluding pre-2022 data to investigate how underreporting may have impacted the findings on racial disparities, but found that these results were not significantly impacted.

VEHICLE STOPS BY RACIAL GROUP

According to Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department Lakewood Station data on vehicle stops recorded between 2019 and 2023:

7% of all drivers deputies stopped were Asian or Pacific Islander.
16% of all drivers deputies stopped were Black.
63% of all drivers deputies stopped were Latinx.
2% of all drivers deputies stopped were Middle Eastern or South Asian.
12% of all drivers deputies stopped were White.

Unlike CPE’s analyses of use of force incidents and pedestrian stops, this analysis does not directly compare vehicle stops to local demographics because the driving population is more likely to include commuters and other non-residents whose racial makeup may differ from local Census data. However, if the racial makeup of people stopped while driving differs significantly from that of the resident population, it may indicate that there are racial disparities in vehicle stops due to police behaviors or policies.

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What does this show?

Each bar in the first column shows the average percentage of stops recorded for each racial group during the entire assessment period. The bars in each of the following columns show the percentages of stops recorded for each racial group during each year of the assessment period. Hovering over a bar shows the number of stops that makes up that percentage.

How was this calculated?

We took the average number of stops recorded per year and calculated the percentage of stops that were made of people of each racial group. See the Data Notes tab for information on how we define racial groups.

We measure a vehicle stop as a single record of a driver being stopped by police, regardless of the number of officers or passengers involved. We recognize that departments may collect vehicle stop data in other ways (for example, not distinguishing between searches of drivers and passengers). Our guidance on collecting data has more information on how to effectively report vehicle stops.

We generally use all vehicle stops data provided by departments, including incomplete years of data. However, certain analyses require complete years of data, so time periods may vary across charts.

Data required for this analysis:

VEHICLE STOPS BY YEAR

The total number of vehicle stops recorded each year with complete data varied from a high of 14,643 in 2021 to a low of 7,624 in 2020.

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What does this show?

This chart shows the number of vehicle stops recorded during each year of the assessment period for all racial groups combined.

Disruptions related to the COVID 19 pandemic may have affected the volume of police-community interactions recorded in 2020 and 2021, although the extent of this impact likely varies by jurisdiction according to the local policies and restrictions implemented in response to the outbreak. It is worth noting whether or the extent to which racial disparities persisted over this time period, despite the reduction in overall police activity.

How was this calculated?

We measure a vehicle stop as a single record of a driver being stopped by police, regardless of the number of officers or passengers involved.

Data required for this analysis:

COMPARING SEARCH RATES AT VEHICLE STOPS

According to Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department Lakewood Station data, once vehicles were stopped:

Note: The “Other” racial group category was omitted from this figure because deputies only recorded 2 searches of drivers in that category.

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What does this show?

This visualization shows, out of the same number of stopped drivers, how many drivers in each racial group were then searched.

How was this calculated?

We first divided the number of stops that involved a search for each racial group by the number of stops of that racial group. We then multiplied that number by 1,000 to get the per 1,000 stops rate.

Police are typically required to search people they arrest and vehicles they impound or tow. When the search reason is provided in the law enforcement agency’s data, these mandatory searches are excluded from this analysis because they are not necessarily based on an officer’s discretionary evaluation of whether they expect to find contraband. Otherwise, this analysis includes any search that was not recorded as mandatory, including both discretionary searches and those with no search reason provided.

See the Data Notes tab for information on how we define racial groups.

Data required for this analysis:

SEARCH REASON AT VEHICLE STOPS

According to Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department (LASD) Lakewood Station data:

Consent and Officer Safety searches generally require the lowest threshold of evidence of actual wrongdoing. As we showed in the Use of Force section, they disproportionately escalate to use of force incidents. Ineffective, lacking evidence, and increasing the risk of use of force, LASD should consider the necessity of and requirements behind conducting these kinds of searches. Some agencies—like the California State Highway Patrol—and states like Oregon and New Jersey have banned consent searches without reasonable, articulable suspicion of criminal wrongdoing.

Search reasons with low yield rates may suggest that deputies’ suspected reasons for the search may not have been justified. These types of discretionary searches are also associated with higher rates of use of force. These data may present an opportunity for the agency to intervene or implement changes in their search policies.

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What does this show?

This analysis shows whether police search people of different racial groups for the same search reasons, or whether particular search types disproportionately target people of particular racial groups. When certain types of searches that are known to escalate to use of force disproportionately target members of certain racial groups, law enforcement leadership should investigate the policies and behaviors that may be contributing to those disparities.

How was this calculated?

We grouped stops by the reason for the search and the racial group of the person searched. We determined what proportion of stops involved each type of search for each racial group by dividing the number of searches for each search reason for a particular racial group by the total number of stops of people of that racial group. For the second chart, we divided all contraband found searches into groups based on the kind of contraband found and then by the search reason that precipitated the discovery. From there, we divided those searches by the total number of searches for each kind of contraband found.

Data required for this analysis:

COMPARING SEARCH OUTCOMES AT VEHICLE STOPS

One common explanation for racial disparities in stops and searches is that members of some racial groups may be more likely to have contraband. To assess this, this analysis examines how often deputies recorded discovering contraband such as alcohol or stolen goods in discretionary searches—searches that are not mandatory but instead based on deputies’ discretion—of drivers in each racial group.

Across all searches:

When discovery rates are lower for people officers search at disproportionately high rates, this may indicate that deputies more frequently decide to search members of this group at a lower level of suspicion. When discovery rates are relatively similar across racial groups, it suggests that significant racial disparities in stop and search rates cannot be justified by differences in the outcomes of those searches. It’s also important to note that the discovery of contraband at vehicle stops is generally rare and not indicative of a serious crime. For details on the types of contraband most often discovered, please see “More Information” below.

Note: The “Other” racial group category was omitted from this figure because deputies only recorded 2 searches of drivers in that category.

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What does this show?

One common explanation for why members of some racial groups are stopped or searched at different rates is that they may be more likely to have contraband. To assess this, we looked at whether searches of people of different racial groups resulted in contraband being found at different rates. For each racial group, we separated all searches into the percentage that resulted in contraband found and the percentage that resulted in no contraband found. In the second chart, we separated all searches that yielded contraband into the percentage of specific types of contraband found.

In the first chart, the darker portion of each bar (on the bottom) shows the percentage of all searches of people of that racial group that ended with contraband found, while the lighter portion of the bar (at the top) shows the percentage where no contraband was found. Hovering over a bar shows the number of searches that makes up that percentage.

It is important to compare this first chart to the percentage of vehicle stops of each racial group, above, to identify which groups may be experiencing a high volume of stops that may lead to high totals of contraband found. It’s also important to note that discovered contraband is not necessarily indicative of serious crime. As the second chart demonstrates, it’s rare that contraband of any kind is found during a search, and an even smaller fraction of discovered contraband is related to serious criminal activity. Many instances of discovered contraband are simple drug possession, gun registration issues, or open containers of alcohol. While more substantial discoveries do occur, they come at the expense of thousands of stops that yield nothing; contraband searches are fundamentally unproductive and do not prevent serious crime. As such, police are considering more cost-effective strategies to prevent and respond to impaired driving, as well as address other issues like gun violence that more directly implicate public safety.

How was this calculated?

For the first chart, we took the total recorded searches of drivers of each racial group and calculated the percentage that did and did not reveal contraband. For the second, we filtered to only those stops that included a discretionary search, then we determined what proportion of searches reportedly yielded contraband.

See the Data Notes tab for information on how we define racial groups.

Data required for this analysis:

PERCENTAGE OF STOPS RESULTING IN A SEARCH, BY STOP REASON

Regarding discretionary searches reported by Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department Lakewood Station:

Non-Moving Violation stops are more likely to be pretextual, and more likely to result in a discretionary search. Police leaders often justify this by claiming such searches are necessary to get dangerous substances and weapons off the streets. If deputies do not discover significantly more contraband in searches that take place during Non-Moving Violation stops, it may suggest that the higher discretionary search rate at such stops is not justified, and may be an inefficient use of police resources.

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What does this show?

The previous figure showed whether certain stop types involve discretionary searches more often. This analysis assesses whether those searches yield more contraband such that potentially increased search rates at such stops may be justified.

If particular stop types disproportionately target Black and Latinx drivers and involve more discretionary searches, those stops may be contributing to racial disparities. If police conduct discretionary searches more often during particular stops but don’t discover contraband more often, law enforcement agencies should consider whether such searches are warranted or necessary for public safety.

Regardless of racial demographics, if high search rates during certain kinds of stops yield lower or similar rates of contraband to other stops, this too may be evidence of pretextual stops. We know that pretextual stops do not have a significant impact on public safety and can be costly in terms of police time and resources.

How was this calculated?

First, we grouped all stops by the reason the stop was made. We then filtered out only those stops that included a discretionary search. Finally we determined what proportion of discretionary searches at each stop reason reportedly yielded contraband by dividing reported discoveries of contraband within each stop type by the total number of searches of that stop type.

Data required for this analysis:

VEHICLE STOP REASONS BY RACIAL GROUP

This analysis investigates which stop reasons are most often recorded for drivers of each racial group and overall.

Stops that are not based on any direct risks to road safety or evidence of criminal activity—such as equipment stops and license or registration checks—are less likely to be efficient uses of departmental resources and more likely to contribute to racial disparities. Localities are increasingly seeking to eliminate these kinds of low-level stops because they unnecessarily subject drivers to harmful outcomes including fines and fees, searches, and use of force.

Note: There were also 71 stops with multiple recorded stop reasons. These accounted for less than 1% of stops overall and are therefore not included in the figure above.

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What does this show?

Each of the above graphs show the racial distribution of stops recorded for a different stop reason. The colored bars within each graph show the percentage of all stops of drivers of that racial group for which that stop reason was recorded. Hovering over a colored bar shows the number of stops that make up that percentage. Any stop reason that was recorded in a high number of stops, or that has large disparities, will influence the racial makeup of vehicle stops overall.

The most common reason for contact with the police in the United States is being the driver in a vehicle stop, and Black drivers are more likely to be stopped by police. Black drivers may also be more likely to be stopped for reasons that tend to be less related to public safety –such as equipment stops and license or registration checks– which unnecessarily increases their likelihood of being searched, experiencing police use of force, and being killed by police. Jurisdictions should invest in evidence-informed practices that reduce the footprint of policing on traffic safety to address persistent racial disparities in traffic enforcement that pose an ongoing public safety risk to Black drivers.

How was this calculated?

We took the total recorded stops of drivers of each racial group and calculated the percentage made for each reason. We then grouped these percentages according to stop reason.

We combine categories of reasons for easier interpretation. See the Data Notes tab for details on how these categories are created and how racial groups are defined.

Data required for this analysis:

VEHICLE STOP OUTCOMES BY RACIAL GROUP

This analysis investigates which stop outcomes are most often recorded for drivers of each racial group and overall. According to Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department Lakewood Station data:

16% of all vehicle stops resulted in a warning or no action taken, which suggests they were unlikely to be based on any risk to road safety or evidence of criminal activity.
Black drivers were arrested at similar rates to White drivers. They were also released with a warning or no action taken at similar rates to White drivers who were stopped.
Latinx drivers were arrested at similar rates to White drivers. They were also released with a warning or no action taken at similar rates to White drivers who were stopped.

Drivers who are more likely to be stopped despite not posing any clear risk to public safety are unnecessarily exposed to a greater risk of harmful stop outcomes including searches, arrests, and use of force. Reducing these kinds of low-level stops can help reduce racial disparities in policing and free up departmental resources for appropriate public safety needs.

Note: There were also 41 stops recorded with outcomes other than arrest, citation, or warning/no action. These accounted for less than 1% of stops overall and are therefore not included in the figure above.

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What does this show?

Each colored bar shows the percentage of all stops of drivers of that racial group for which that stop outcome was recorded. Hovering over a bar shows the number of stops that makes up that percentage.

Findings on recorded traffic stop outcomes should be interpreted in context with findings on racial disparities in recorded stop reasons and searches at traffic stops. People of racial groups who are stopped more frequently are often also more likely to be stopped for reasons that tend to be less related to public safety, which may increase their likelihood of being released with a warning or no action taken, as well as decrease their likelihood of receiving a citation. People who are more likely to be stopped despite not committing any crime or infraction are subject to a greater burden of police contact, which increases the likelihood of a cascade of interrelated harms including arrest, criminalization, and even injury or death.

How was this calculated?

We took the total recorded stops of drivers in each racial group and calculated the percentages for which each enforcement outcome was recorded. We then grouped these percentages according to enforcement outcome.

We combine categories of outcomes for easier interpretation. See the Data Notes tab for details on how these categories are created and how racial groups are defined.